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For the last few years, all things ‘neuro’ have been doing the rounds in the creative arts and humanities. We have had the declensions ‘neuropolitics’ and ‘noopolitics’; we have panicked about screen media and the internet rewiring our plastic brains; we have marvelled at artists incorporating MRIs into videos, photomedia and installations. Little wonder at such a response – after all, weren’t the 1990s officially declared, by&nbsp;[http://www.loc.gov/loc/brain/proclaim.html US Presidential proclamation]&nbsp;to be the ‘Decade of the Brain’? Neuroscience – the collective nomenclature we give the sciences of the brain&nbsp; – is in fact a disparate assemblage of disciplines, methods and practices for understanding, healing, transposing, interpreting, imaging and, most importantly, constituting the nervous system in organisms. To get a sense of how diverse these sciences are, we can simply draw a small list up of some of them: for example, neuroanatomy, behavioural neuroscience, computational neuroscience, neuroethnology, molecular neuroscience, systems neuroscience, developmental neuroscience, and so on. These all designate various specialities within neuroscience but also, sometimes vastly different methods, philosophical approaches and indeed ways of realising the brain as organ, system, structure or entity. Within or across any of these specialities, competing and dissonant approaches to how the nervous system is seen to function exist. A decade, indeed more than a century, of practice and research in neuroscience has only multiplied the neural as a vast field of unknown quanta and qualia.  
For the last few years, all things ‘neuro’ have been doing the rounds in the creative arts and humanities. We have had the declensions ‘neuropolitics’ and ‘noopolitics’; we have panicked about screen media and the internet rewiring our plastic brains; we have marvelled at artists incorporating MRIs into videos, photomedia and installations. Little wonder at such a response – after all, weren’t the 1990s officially declared, by&nbsp;[http://www.loc.gov/loc/brain/proclaim.html US Presidential proclamation]&nbsp;to be the ‘Decade of the Brain’? Neuroscience – the collective nomenclature we give the sciences of the brain&nbsp; – is in fact a disparate assemblage of disciplines, methods and practices for understanding, healing, transposing, interpreting, imaging and, most importantly, constituting the nervous system in organisms. To get a sense of how diverse these sciences are, we can simply draw a small list up of some of them: for example, neuroanatomy, behavioural neuroscience, computational neuroscience, neuroethnology, molecular neuroscience, systems neuroscience, developmental neuroscience, and so on. These all designate various specialities within neuroscience but also, sometimes vastly different methods, philosophical approaches and indeed ways of realising the brain as organ, system, structure or entity. Within or across any of these specialities, competing and dissonant approaches to how the nervous system is seen to function exist. A decade, indeed more than a century, of practice and research in neuroscience has only multiplied the neural as a vast field of unknown quanta and qualia.  

Revision as of 05:51, 13 August 2011

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For the last few years, all things ‘neuro’ have been doing the rounds in the creative arts and humanities. We have had the declensions ‘neuropolitics’ and ‘noopolitics’; we have panicked about screen media and the internet rewiring our plastic brains; we have marvelled at artists incorporating MRIs into videos, photomedia and installations. Little wonder at such a response – after all, weren’t the 1990s officially declared, by US Presidential proclamation to be the ‘Decade of the Brain’? Neuroscience – the collective nomenclature we give the sciences of the brain  – is in fact a disparate assemblage of disciplines, methods and practices for understanding, healing, transposing, interpreting, imaging and, most importantly, constituting the nervous system in organisms. To get a sense of how diverse these sciences are, we can simply draw a small list up of some of them: for example, neuroanatomy, behavioural neuroscience, computational neuroscience, neuroethnology, molecular neuroscience, systems neuroscience, developmental neuroscience, and so on. These all designate various specialities within neuroscience but also, sometimes vastly different methods, philosophical approaches and indeed ways of realising the brain as organ, system, structure or entity. Within or across any of these specialities, competing and dissonant approaches to how the nervous system is seen to function exist. A decade, indeed more than a century, of practice and research in neuroscience has only multiplied the neural as a vast field of unknown quanta and qualia.

It seems important to emphasise this point, although neuroscientists and especially neurologists – those practicing a branch of medicine that deals with disorders affecting the nervous system of, mainly, human organisms – will happily admit that roughly only 10% of how what the brain does what it does is known. It is important to emphasise this because ‘neuroscience’ – when it appears in discussion in the media, but also within public and academic intellectual debate – outside the neuroscience context, can often appear like the incontrovertible truth about: thought, consciousness, interiority and sometimes even all of (lived) experience. Neuroscientific ‘results’ are dragged, kicking and screaming, into the debate about how, for example, ‘youth’ are remoulding their brains by spending too much time gaming or surfing the web. Often, these results are backed up by the power of the neuroimage, which seems to causally locate social, emotional or cognitive behaviour ‘in’ some specified red area in the brain. In our popular imaginary, neuroscience has become the new genetics.

Rather than engage in ‘big’ brain issues here, such as consciousness or the neural correlates for behaviour, I have chosen to collect together a range of articles that address a quite specific topic within neuroscience: the role of sensorimotor activity in perception. In fact, this is a huge topic; it covers a range of specialisations within neuroscience ¬ – some of these include neuroanatomy, behavioural neuroscience, neuroethology – but it also covers the space where neuroscience crosses disciplines. Because this topic deals with perception, it necessarily deals with the question of how perception is experienced…and not just experienced for humans but also for other kinds of living beings. This, then, raises two important philosophical and ethical issues: what do we mean by experience and the perception of experience, on the one hand, and how are we to think about and access nonhuman life’s perceptual apparati and experience(s)? Indeed, in attempting to address these issues some neuroscientists have worked with philosophers, and have even become philosophers, in order to produce neuroscience.

At the micro level, then, the role of sensorimotor activity in perception as a topic for neuroscientific research renders neuroscience as a diverse, contested and highly interesting field for nonscientists. Rather than acting as the substrate proof of some social or cultural issue for nonscientists, looking at sensorimotor experience and its function within perception demonstrates how neuroscience can do something else. It can pose difficult and taxing questions and problems about how ‘life’ experiences. This collection of articles is an attempt to bring together some both landmark articles and current neuroscientific studies that foreground the role of motor and sensory experience and the place of these in the generation of human and nonhuman perception. Certainly the articles I have selected are oriented less toward the idea that the neurosciences provide proof that these kind of activities do have neural correlates and more toward demonstrating how relations between the neural and perception can be construed. The collection, then, is a way of indicating that while the neurosciences certainly foreground the sensorimotor system and its role in generating perception, sensory and motor experience cannot be reduced to the firing of neurons. Even neuroscientists who look for the neural correlates of action or how neurons respond to sensory material do not necessarily pose sensorimotor experience reductively. They may in fact deploy a systems approach in which neuronal clusters operate in distributed networks and in relation to other aspects of perception (representational aspects, for example).

I have included articles, or where articles are not possible links, that show the question of how we perceive is an area of active contestation for neuroscience. We should therefore speak of neurosciences instead. This is important for nonscientists to remember: neuroscience is not a homogeneous domain that somehow proves that we are ruled by our neurons as we move and engage in and with the world. However, it should be noted that the range of articles, and the way I have posed their relationships to each other using this wiki, favours a particular approach to sensorimotor experience, which has come to be known as the ‘enactive perception’ approach (Thompson, Palacios, Varela, 1992: 2). This approach is highly contested within neurosciences’ studies about perception and often comes up against what is known as the ‘representationalist’ approach (Gallese and Keysers, 2001). Put broadly and briefly: the enactive approach understands the organism with a nervous system and its environment to be co-determining. This means that perception occurs as a generated or enacted activity out of the relation between what the environment offers the animal and what the sensorimotor system of the animal brings to the environment. The representationalist approach, on the other hand, sees perception as, for the main part, a mode of representation that arises (often is a systemically complex manner) out of interactions between neurons in and across the animal’s nervous system. This seemingly makes the representationalist approach internal to the animal’s nervous system. However, recent neuroscientific research on mirror neurons has complicated this attribution, as mirror neuron research has developed evidence that perception (and other cognitive activities such as language) may also depend upon interaction with another’s nervous system. Representationalist approaches therefore are also dealing with the questions of what experience is – is it neurally distributed across self and other? for example – and with whom else experience might be generated.

A major shift in the neurosciences’ theorisation of perception occurred with the 1959 publication of ‘What the Frog's Eye Tells the Frog's Brain’ (Lettwin, Maturana, McCulloch and Pitts). This detailed study of how a frog’s visual system sees only movement in its environment, challenged an entire scientific and philosophical paradigm of the structure and relations between sensation, perception and world. In living organisms with a visual system, eyes had been thought to be sensory organs receiving material from the world – light – and then transmitting this information to the brain. It was the brain that organized and interpreted this information, and then told the eye what it was seeing. Lettwin, Maturana, McCulloch and Pitts instead proposed to study a frog’s eyes as part of a system that worked to actively organize vision. The eyes of the frog are unlike human eyes; they anatomically constitute a single visual system from retina to colliculus (the superficial layers of the brain stem). The human visual system, on the other hand, is a double system, which allows for different kinds of movements by the eyes in relation to the sensory world. For example, human eyes can follow the movement of others in their environment in order to fixate upon the object moving, whereas the frog’s eyes remain stable. This singular visual system involves a coupling of the frog with its environment resulting in it only perceiving the movement of moving prey/food. The eye-environment coupling tells the frog’s brain what the frog needs to perceive, in the sense that it provides an already systemically and actively organized frog visuality for the frog’s brain.

We should keep in mind that while this is sometimes interpreted as a constructionist argument, constructionism should not be here posed as some simple opposition to biological causation or neural correlationalism. It is not that the frog simply constructs its perceptions but rather than perception, such as vision, is an active system that involves relations of coupling between an organism and its environment. This coupling, or co-determination, actively generates perception by calling upon the pattern of relays that develops between sensorimotor experience and the neural system of the animal. This has emerged as the ‘enactive approach’ to perception, a branch of thinking in neuroscience (Varela, Thompson, and Rosch, 1991) that also crosses into philosophy. Enactive perception is something that living organisms do rather than simply have.

Important aspects of the enactive approach are: a) that organisms generate their own cognitive processes; b) that the nervous system is autonomous as a system, its systematicity generated recursively through relays and feedback in the organism’s sensorimotor activities; but that the preceding is therefore c) an embodied system coupled with the organism’s environment; and that consequently d) the organism’s cognition will be generated out of this embodied, coupled and most importantly relational system of closed sensorimotor system and open environment-system (see Thompson, 2005).